Expletive Constructions in
Papiamentu:
evidence against the
Subject-in-Situ Generalization?
(John
F. Kennedy Institute, Berlin)
Alexiadou
& Anagnostopoulou (2001) propose a novel generalization concerning the
placement of arguments by Spell-Out, centering the discussion on principles
that force arguments to leave the VP across languages. The empirical domain
they cover consists of constructions where subject movement is not required for
reasons related to the Extended Projection Principle, expletive constructions
being one of them. In these environments, one of the arguments must vacate the
VP. They argue that argument externalization is related to Case Theory.
In this paper I will present novel data on
expletive constructions in Papiamentu that cast doubt on the claim that the
Subject-in-Situ generalization should be accounted for in terms of Case Theory.
Instead, the data show that theta-theoretic factors are at play.
In a Case-theoretic approach, it is crucial
that NP and PP arguments pattern differently, since only the former are
dependent on the v-V complex for their Case. It is shown that in
Papiamentu NP and PP arguments do not exhibit different patterns. In both cases
the subject-in-situ option is not possible. This is a strong argument against
the Case-theoretic approach. Furthermore, PP arguments and PP adjuncts do
pattern differently. Only in the latter case, the subject can remain in-situ. This
is taken to indicate that the argument/adjunct distinction is an important
factor in the analysis of expletive constructions in Papiamentu.
In addition, a full discussion of expletive
constructions allows us to make the following points. First, Papiamentu has
verb movement, although it has no affixal TMA markers (cf. Baptista 2000,
DeGraff 2002) This argues against the correlation between “rich” Agreement and
verb movement (cf. Rohrbacher 1994, Bobaljik 2001). Second, the behavior of
serial verbs in expletive constructions shows that we have to distinguish two
types of them in Papiamentu: compound and syntactically built serial verb
constructions.
References:
Alexiadou, A. & E. Agnostopoulou
(2001) “The Subject-in-Situ Generalization and the Role of Case in Driving
Computations.” Linguistic Inquiry 32.2, 193-231.
Baptista, M. (2000) “Verb movement
in four Creole Languages: a comparative analysis.” In J. McWhorter (ed.) Language
Change and Language Contact in Pidgins and Creoles, 1-34. John Benjamins,
Amsterdam.
Bobaljik, J. (2001). The rich
agreement hypothesis in review. Ms., McGill University.
DeGraff, M. (2002) “Morphology and
word order in ‘creolization’ and beyond.” To appear in G. Cinque & R. Kayne
(eds.) Handbook of Comparative Syntax. Oxford University Press, New
York.
Rohrbacher, B. (1994) The Germanic
VO Languages and the Full Paradigm: a theory of V to I raising. PhD, UMass.